THIRTEENTH VIRGINIA AT 2ND FREDERICKSBURG
Capt. S. D. Buck
Address of Capt. S. D. Buck, of Baltimore, Md., before the Buchanan Camp, U. C. V.
The first battle of Fredericksburg had been fought and won. Burnside followed the fate of his predecessors, and now the two armies rested upon the banks of the beautiful Rappahannock River, which for months was the dividing line between the hostile forces. Jackson’s Corps after the battle in December went into winter quarters at Moss Neck, guarding the villages and ferries from Fredericksburg down to Port Royal. The Army of the Potomac was being recruited from every clime under the shining sun, while the Confederates could only rest and hope in the heroism of their members and be recruited from the “cradle” and sick rolls; but the few we had were tried and true, and could withstand the hardships of army life, sing the songs of patriotism, and glory in the deeds accomplished. McClellan, Burnside, Shields, McDowell, Banks, and others had measured swords with Lee and Jackson, and now “Fighting Joe Hooker” took command of the Army of the Potomac, an accomplished soldier, and with an army that had never before been equaled in number and equipment much was expected of him. The press of the North, under flaming headlines, declared Richmond would fall in thirty days.
Monday, April 27, Hooker’s preparations were completed, and Tuesday night his first, third, and sixth corps were at Franklin’s Crossing, three miles below Fredericksburg. Stoneman had begun his cavalry raid to the James River, and that brilliant leader, J. E. B. Stuart, had his forces in motion, and captured prisoners from Howard, Slocum, and Meade.
Pardon me for digressing just a moment. I cannot pass by the grave of one who fell March 17, at Kelly’s Ford, Maj. John Pelham. Roses and lilies bloom and bow their heads over his grave where he sleeps in his Southland, and I feel like bowing my head in thanksgiving that God gave Pelham to the South. Lee, the immortal, baptized him “Pelham the gallant,” when his Napoleons thundered upon the flanks of Burnside’s army. I had the honor of fighting by his side at Sharpsburg where the Thirteenth supported his battery on our left, and was promoted to first lieutenant in the provisional army of Confederate States for conduct on that field. The horses could not drag the heavy guns over the plowed field, and the men of that grand old regiment almost carried the pieces to a position only a few hundred yards in front of the enemy, and Pelham loaded each gun with double charges and kept thousands of the enemy back. I see him now, and wish I could portray the picture on canvas, that every Southern boy might see it and be proud that such an example was left him. He was taken from us, and we mourned our loss.
“But his fame on brightest pages,
Penned by poets and by sages,
Shall go sounding down the ages.”
Hooker crossed at Germania and Ely’s Ford. Gen. Stuart had discovered Hooker’s plans, and at once informed his illustrious chief that Hooker was concentrating his whole army at Chancellorsville.
As my paper is to treat upon the Thirteenth Virginia at Fredericksburg, I must leave Hooker in his trenches at Chancellorsville and turn to Early. Gen. Sedgwick, with twenty-five thousand troops, crossed the river three miles below Fredericksburg April 29. Jackson’s Corps drew up in front of him. D. H. Hill was on the right at Hamilton’s Crossing, his right on Massaponox Creek. It was discovered by Gen. Lee that Sedgwick’s move was a feint. In consequence, he ordered Jackson to leave one division of his corps in front of Sedgwick and to move on Chancellorsville with the rest of his troops. Gen. Early’s division of eight thousand was left to confront Sedgwick with twenty-five thousand. Jackson moved out Wednesday night late, and the entire line was occupied by Early. My regiment, the Thirteenth Virginia, under Col. J. B. Terrell, was on picket duty at the old gas house. Col. Smith (Extra Billy) commanded the brigade. The morning the Federals crossed we were ordered back, and formed a skirmish line, the three right companies on the road leading down to the river and the others, or left wing of the regiment, swung back from the road, connecting, I think, with a North Carolina regiment. As we moved back from the river and were deploying as skirmishers the first shell from Falmouth Heights greeted us, and as we marched back to the Bowling Green road the enemy had good practice at us, but did no harm. Part of the regiment took position against the south bank of the road, the condition of which gave us good protection. Companies I, K, and H (the latter my company) were protected by the embankment on each side of the road, while the companies on our left were in open field; but the soil being light and sandy, the men were soon at work throwing up rifle pits, and almost every fellow dug a hole that protected him to the waist. I was on the extreme right and within speaking distance of the enemy, who had moved forward and were in the road to our left and on our right, conformed to our line and in the open field. We were not over two hundred yards apart, and not a musket had been fired. As before stated, my company, with I and K, occupied the right of the regiment and of the army.
The Colonel was near-sighted and came to where I stood, watching our flank, which was exposed, and, handing me his field glasses, asked me what was going on in front. After a careful examination, I told him that the lawn in front of the stone house was full of soldiers and many officers. He at once sent a messenger back to report this fact, and suggested that artillery should open on them, which was done, and heavy firing soon began on both sides. I learned later that our shells did great damage, as the house was the headquarters of a general officer. While this duel was in progress Col. Terrell became very restless, and again appealed to my better sight. I took the glasses and described the position of the enemy’s line of battle and their battery in our immediate front. Their infantry occupied the roadbed in front of our left wing. He said that the left must move forward and possess the road. Had his eyes seen what mine did, he would have hesitated; but he knew what he was doing, and believed the regiment would take the road if ordered to do so. Drawing his sword, he in a loud, sharp voice ordered “Right wheel.” The order almost took my breath, as I knew the line of battle in the road within two hundred yards of where I stood would deliver a deadly volley as soon as our men rose, and so did he. I was first lieutenant, and several senior officers were present; but, taking in the situation, I leaped into the road and called the men to follow. The enemy gave our left a direct volley. I ordered a left oblique fire, and struck them square in the flank and in the back. . Their line broke, and as they crossed the road our men who had not gotten in position in time for the first fire now got their work in. Our left suffered terribly, but gained the position. The slaughter, for numbers engaged, was heavy. I could almost walk on the enemy’s dead for one hundred yards without touching the ground. We drove them back, but could not cross the road on account of artillery; but we rendered the battery in our immediate front useless by killing every man who ventured to it. We had it our way for only a short time. As they could not dislodge us from the front, they moved to our left flank two pieces of artillery, planting them three hundred yards away on a knoll, and raked us with grape, canister, and shrapnel for two hours. In this engagement I was shot. The ball lodged in my blanket, making thirty-two holes. I never saw a hotter place, but we stuck to the position, holding it until next day, when we saw the United States flag on the hill at “Marye House.” We fell back that night and joined Gen. Early, marching to Chancellorsville. Next day we were met by Gen. Lee, who had disposed of Hooker, and now came down to pay his respects to Sedgwick. Gen. Early put Col. Terrell again in front with the Thirteenth Virginia as skirmishers “to feel the enemy.” The position they occupied was very strong. We made five distinct charges, and broke their lines every time, but could not hold them. From the plank road leading from Orange C. H. to Fredericksburg, looking northwest, we could see plainly their lines on the hill protected by underbrush. To get to them we had to cross a bottom for fully a quarter of a mile, in the center of which there was a ditch several feet deep and a small stream of water, and on charging across this field the command had to jump this ditch or get down into it on one side and climb up on the other. When we got to this point we received a heavy volley from the enemy on the hill in front, which caused the men to take advantage of the protection thus afforded, and some time was lost in getting them forward. Col. Terrell led the charge, and as we dashed up the hill through the bushes a terrible fire met us from the woods held by the enemy; but on we went until within a few yards of the line, when they broke and fell back, but before we could get into the works another heavy line of skirmishers came up and drove us back. Five distinct charges were made by the regiment, and every time reenforcements came up in time to check us. In the first charge a Federal officer was holding his men to their works by his own reckless courage: standing on the works and urging them to hold on to their position. One of my company was wounded by my side (M. C. Copenhaver, a gallant soldier), and as he fell I took his gun and fired at the officer, who fell either by my shot or some one else’s. As we fell back, Gen. Early sent forward another regiment to relieve the pressure. At the ditch referred to above we rallied, and my orderly sergeant, James W. Legg, an excellent soldier, was killed. I saw the lint fly from his gray coat when the ball struck him, and he fell forward in the ditch. I jumped down and tried to lift him up, but could not. When I got up I was alone, the command having left me, and for fully two hundred and fifty yards I ran, “because I could not fly,” and every jump a bullet struck near me. This is the only time I ever tried to carry a man off the field. It is a wrong principle; better protect your friends by driving the enemy. I had the misfortune to run a ramrod through my hand in trying to load a musket. It was bleeding freely and the Colonel ordered me back to the surgeon. It was a painful wound, but was well in a few days. There was not a better regiment in the army than the Thirteenth Virginia. Gen. Lee said, “It was a splendid body of men;” Gen. Ewell, “It is the only regiment that never fails;” Gen. J. E. B. Stuart, “It always does exactly what I tell it;” Gen. Early, “They can do more hard fighting and be in better plight than any other troops I ever saw.”
About 4 P.M., May 30, 1864, the gallant Col. Terrell fell at Cold Harbor. His commission as brigadier general was at Gen. Lee’s headquarters when he fell, and he did not know of this honor;
“But his name shall never be forgot While Fame her record keeps, And Glory points the hallowed spot Where Valor proudly sleeps.”
The day after the charges referred to, as we were going to camp, an artillery regiment on the roadside, overlooking the position we fought for, and who saw the charges we made, gave us three cheers, and said they regretted that they could not help us, but could not do so without hurting us, as we were too close to the enemy. With such commanders as A. P. Hill, James A. Wheeler, and James B. Terrell, it is not surprising that the regiment stood as it did and received compliments from the commanding generals and others.
How the past looms up before me I I dream of the army, I hear their martial tread, I dream of those who touched elbows in the charge, I dream of the cause for which we fought; but the Confederate soldier is no dream, the flag under which he marched is no dream. It was real, and the deeds of the Confederate army have been written in blood upon the pages of history, and will stand in golden letters throughout the ages. Time will but brighten and add to its glory, and generations to come will be proud to trace their lineage to the men whose deeds and daring electrified not only a nation but the world.
2nd Winchester & memories of Gettysburg
The Regiment did not participate in the Gettysburg Campaign, as it was placed as provost guard in the town of Winchester. General Early’s Division had captured the town on June 14th, with scouting and reconnaissance assistance from the 13th Virginia. Company H was from Winchester and knew the country and at General Early’s request they had helped him scout the Union positions. As the men of Company H was marching together with Early the Orderly Sergeant of the Company, James Haymaker, called out to the general, reminding him, that all the men of the Company lived nearby and "would do the work up clean" if he would let us go and see our girls. Early laughed and said he would see about it. Placing Company H on a hill to observe the enemy, the rest of the Regiment participated in the assault at the West Fort.
During the night the Federals left Winchester. Early forgot to relieve Company H, but he did deliver the fun he had promised as well as giving the 13th Virginia a reward for its service; assignment as the garrison of Winchester. The Regiment lost little time in making itself at home. Abundant food and new clothes were in large supply from the Federal left overs. The Regimental Headquarter was established in the court house square. The 13th Virginia would be spared the trial of the Gettysburg campaign.
Official Record
Wilderness - May 5th & 6th, 1864
The 13th spend the morning at Somerville Ford to investigate a report that the Federals were crossing there, but there were no enemy in sight. The Regiment then marched back to the main army and the sound of battle. They advanced along the Orange Turnpike and joined the main battle line to the left of the road, where they busied themselves with making a waist high breastwork. Then the Federals charged. The butternuts rose, fired, and broke the attack. This was repeated several times until sunset.
The battle resumed the next day. For 11 hours the Federals threw themselves at the Confederate line, but never came closer than 50 yards. Heavy sharpshooting continued until around sunset, when the Regiment took part in General Gordon’s attack on the Federal right. Gordon succeeded in throwing the Federal right flank into great confusion, and the 13th in it’s attack got possession of part of the Union line, but the growing dark and thick woods caused confusion among the Confederates and the battle closed. The Regiment even had to withdraw or they would have being surrounded as the Federals fanned to both sides of the trench. The next day the Federals were gone, moving on towards Spotsylvania Court House. The price of the battle of the Wilderness was 4 dead and 14 wounded in the Regiment.
Spotsylvania - May 12th - 19th, 1864
The regiment arrived at General Lee’s new battle line at Spotsylvania Court House on May 9th and was placed in reserve at a salient in the Confederate center known as the "Mule Shoe".
On the morning of May 12th the Union threw a corps (Hancock’s) against the "Mule Shoe" and captured almost all of the salient. General Lee send in General Gordon’s Division. Hoffman’s Brigade of which the 13th was a part of, was ordered to General Doles position at the west side of the "Mule Shoe". Upon arrival the men of the 13th noticed a battery on their left suddenly swing their guns around and begin to fire down the line across the rear of the Regiment. Not knowing of the Union penetration at the opposite part of the "Mule Shoe", the men shouted to the gunners, that they were firing on their own men, but the artillery continued to fire. Then a series of orders send the confused Virginians to the rear to the vicinity of the Harrison House, where they found themselves facing Generals Lee, Ewell and Gordon. Gordon told Lee about his plans, and Lee gave his approval, but stayed at the front apparently prepared to lead the men himself. Gordon noticing this tried to convince Lee otherwise, but Lee didn’t listen. The soldiers then realized what was happening and began to shout to their commander to go back and that they would retake the broken line. Finally a Virginian identified as Sergeant Richard Roberson of Co. I of the 13th Virginia grasped Traveller’s (Lee’s horse) bridle and led the commander to the rear. Lee offered no resistance or complaint.
At the double-quick the Virginians of Hoffman’s brigade charged forward. Anticipating a Union volley when reaching the works, they dived for the ground as the Federals opened fire, only to jump up and continue the assault. The Federals ran and the brigade recaptured the trenches on the east side of the "Mule Shoe". With this accomplished the 13th continued to advance up the line behind the traverses as the Federals ahead of them leaped out of these and ran to their rear. The Regiment advance to about 150 yards south of the east angle, where they stopped due to the enemy fire from enclosures along the west face of the angle. More Confederate reinforcements arrived as the heavy Union fire continued. The day’s misery was worsened by continuous rain and drizzel. After sunset the soldiers were ordered not to sleep, an order enforced by officers who kept wakening the exhausted soldiers, as another Union attack was expected. Around dawn the new Confederate line had been build at the base of the "Mule Shoe" and the butternuts pulled back.
As the Union forces eventually moved further southeast, the Confederates probed in order to establish the whereabouts of the Federals. On May 19th Ewell’s corps moved forward to the Ny River, where they found the Federals and a battle started. The 13th Virginia came into the battle as the Confederate left fell back in disorder. The Virginia Regiments of Hoffman’s brigade moved up, halted and with a loud yell and a charge promtly chased the Federals down a hill, waded through knee-deep mud and followed its opponents up a second hill, where it halted. The enemy attempted to dislodge the Virginians, and an hour-long battle ensued ending with a Federal withdrawal. After darkness the brigade withdrew reaching their original entrenchments around 2 a.m. "very much fatigued and not much pleased with flanking".
The whole Spotsylvania campaign added another 45 men to the casualty list. The fighting on May 12th had cost 7 dead, 13 wounded, 4 men taken prisoners and 1 missing. The fighting on the 19th had the price of 4 killed, 3 wounded and 4 prisoners of war. A further 8 men was wounded and 1 killed during the stay in the trenches at Spotsylvania.
Bethesda Church - May 30, 1864
During the afternoon the brigade was ordered to support the brigade of Rodes, who was engaged with the enemy. The brigade marched and halted near Bethesda Church. At 6 p.m. they were ordered to charge. With a yell the graycoats advanced under a hail of Union bullets, jumped a fence and entered a vegetable garden on the other side. In the center of the garden a cabin was located and when reaching the cabin the center of the Confederate line stopped. As the casualties increased the confusion grew. The 13th protected by woods didn’t loose as heavily as other regiments and continued forward until they realized, that they were near isolation. They took cover and remained there for another hour. During this time Colonel Terrill was ordered to take command of the Brigade. It was the last time the men saw him alive as he was killed shortly thereafter. After dark the Regiment disengaged and fell back about a mile.
This short action cost the Regiment dearly with 3 killed, 12 wounded and 2 taken prisoners. Lieutenant Colonel George (Gus) Goodman, who had been with Regiments since it was organized, took over the Regiment after Terrill. The new commander also a graduate of the Virginia Military Institute.
Cedar Creek - October 19, 1864
Confederate Veteran March 1894.
BATTLE OF CEDAR CREEK TRIBUTE TO EARLY.
By Capt. S. D. Buck, THIRTEENTH VIRGINIA INFANTRY,
As you paid me the compliment to copy my letter to the Baltimore Sun, " Burning Bridge over Rappahanock," I send you, from my manuscript, an account of the battle of Cedar Creek. I have written 170 pages of manuscript of the war as I saw it, and this article is part of a chapter. The battle was fought October 19, 1864.
No one can appreciate the desperation of this grand move without closely examining a war map. Having been born and raised almost in gunshot of this field, I see every road and defile as I write. Gen. Early has been accused of recklessness in fighting this battle. Such was not the case. It was a necessity, as the only possible way to prevent troops from being sent to Grant from the Valley. Hazardous? Yes, so was every move we made. Gen. Early, one of the best and bravest Generals of the war, was sent to the Valley to fight, though a forlorn hope, and no man in the army could have done more. Why Gen. Sheridan did not crush him in two weeks has always been a mystery to me. Four to one were the odds we had to contend with. Sheridan had as many cavalry as we had in all.
Minute description of the surroundings is necessary for a correct understanding of the move in contemplation. Our army was in camp on the old line known as Fisher's Hill, over a mile south of Strasburg, while Sheridan was camped north of Cedar Creek, a small stream flowing southeast and emptying into the north branch of Shenandoah River. The Valley Pike crosses Cedar Creek two miles north of Strasburg, and Sheridan was strongly posted on its high embankments, rendering a direct attack simply hopeless. Our right rested on the Shenandoah above Strasburg, while our left was on the same river below. Upon our right was Maurerton Mountain, and the Shenandoah River, a swift stream, fordable every few miles, hugged the base of this mountain for several miles. There was no road between the river and the mountain, yet Early dared to separate his army and send half of it, under command of the gallant Gordon, in single file, through the bushes where it was often almost impossible for men to stand, a distance of over three miles. The march was made cheerfully in the dead of night when the only sound was the continued tread of the men and the oft repeated command, "Close up." On this memorable night our division, under the gallant Pegram (Gordon's old division) and Ramseur's division, broke camp (Starvation) and marched to the river, where wagons had been placed and a bridge made for us to cross upon. After crossing we rested some hours before starting in single file for Sheridan's rear. After a most terrible march we came out at Pitman Farm, where we struck the main road leading from Strasburg to Front Royal. We were then on Sheridan's left flank, but the river flowed between the two armies and had to be forded) so we continued our march upon the main road. Every tree was familiar to me. As a boy I walked and rode almost daily over this section. At Hill's Lane we filed to the left, and it was plain we had to cross at Bowman's Ford. [I used to hunt squirrels and partridges all over these grounds, but now I was bunting men, and found game plentiful.] In this lane we halted for the men to close up. As soon as this was accomplished we hurried to the river and waded through, without considering the disagreeable wetting to be endured.
The cavalry had crossed and captured the pickets. Gordon's men followed and soon struck the extreme left and rear of Sheridan's line. It was a complete surprise. Men were captured in bed, not knowing we were nearer than Fisher's Hill. Gordon's and Ramseur's divisions were in front, and ours in reserve. These two divisions drove every thing before them, and while this was being done Gen. Early had worked his way close up to the enemy in front, and at daylight he struck a terrible blow, driving them back upon us only to be pressed out of shape, a broken, routed army. On they rushed to Belle Grove, three miles, where they were in readiness with a fresh division to meet us. Upon these fresh troops many stragglers had rallied. Our division was ordered forward, and in a few minutes were hotly engaged. Driving the skirmish line in, we struck the line of battle, and as we got closer found a heavy battery on our left doing much damage. Our brigade, commanded by Col. Hoffman, bore to the left and charged, driving the artillerymen from their guns and the support back. Here, to my surprise, we were halted and ordered to reform. Col. Hoffman could not see well, or he would not have stopped at this point, so I called him as he was passing, on horse back, and pointed out our danger, but he still insisted upon reforming before making a second charge. Seeing the enemy advancing upon their battery, which would be turned on us again, I urged Col. H. to allow me to move with a few men and hold the battery. To this he consented, and with about fifty men we charged across the river, captured the five guns, turned them on the enemy, and held them until Col. H. came to our assistance. Gen. Pegram came up at this time and Col. H. told him of our charge, and the General said he would have those guns christened to my honor, but Sheridan objected, and in the afternoon the battery was recaptured.
I was a member of the 13th Virginia Infantry, organized by Gen. A. P. Hill, molded by the bravest of the brave, Gen. James a Walker, and made invincible by the courage and example of Col. James B. Terrell. No command could boast of three such officers, hence the reputation it gained. For an opinion of this gallant body of men I refer my reader to an oration by Gen. Walker at the unveiling of the A. P. Hill monument at Richmond. From this charge we gathered solidity and moved on, driving the enemy into and through Middleton. Here we were halted over night upon Valley Pike, north of the town and at the toll gate. We remained at this point all day waiting for orders to move forward. A great victory had been won only to be thrown away not lost, as many suppose, and as history claims, by the return of Sheridan not one bit of it. The fault lies at our own door. Our men, feeling victory was complete, gave way to the disposition to clothe themselves from the enemy's camp, deserted their comrades. Fully one third of our army could have been found away from their commands, and by so doing sacrificing their country. Comrade, was you of this number? If so, you caused the disaster, not Sheridan. Shame, shame! Had every man been at his post we would not have lost this battle, and none of the poetry of Sheridan's ride would ever have been written. We held our position until ordered back, and we (Pegram's brigade, commanded by Pegram in person, also Johnson's North Carolina brigade) marched in line of battle from Middleton to Cedar Creek, where we had to break to cross the bridge. At Stickley's, south of the bridge, Gen. Pegram rallied about 100 men) and we again checked the enemy's cavalry, but soon a brigade charged us, and we made the best retreat we could. Knowing the country thoroughly, I went to the mountain and got into camp at Fisher's Hill by 10 o'clock that night, taking a pretty good regiment of men with me who were lost in the stampede. Most. of our artillery was lost near Strasburg, occasioned by the breaking of a small bridge, and could have been saved had any one in authority known of it. In my retreat that night I met with an officer whom I piloted to the river, where we both jumped in, and where the Colonel disappeared, either killed, drowned or taken prisoner. If he is alive and sees this article I would like to hear from him. We retreated up the Valley next morning. My mother and sisters went over the battle field next day expecting to find my dead body, but I was very much alive, in a foot race for safety further South. Gen. Gordon did some beautiful fighting at Cedar Creek, but when he is accredited with planning the battle I feel it is an error. It was Gen. Early's plan, and it bore his ear marks daring in the extreme fully in keeping with the man and all of his movements in front of Sheridan. Suppose Early had had as many men as Sheridan, does any sane man for one moment believe the Valley of Virginia would have fallen into the hands of the enemy? Never! Many good soldiers criticise Gen. Early, but one moment's reflection should change their harsh judgment to praise and admiration. For weeks he confronted Sheridan's hosts with a mere handful of men, knowing all the time how he was outnumbered. His duty was to keep Sheridan from sending troops to Grant, and he did this, but not until 40,000 marched upon 10,000 could Early be shaken off. Gen. Lee's letter to him removing him is a deserved compliment. Early was the only man in the army who would have dared to have taken such chances. He sacrificed himself for his country, and in future years will be regarded as one of our ablest Generals.
Sheridan's loss, according to Maj. Pound's History of the Valley Campaign, in this battle, was 569 killed, 3,425 wounded, and 1,770 missing, total, 5,764. Our loss was 3,100 killed, wounded and missing.
J. T. Lyon, of Forty third Battalion of Virginia Cavalry, writes again : Farmwell, Va., Feb. 2. In my article published in the January VETERAN there is a mistake. It should have been Ramseur's division, not Ransom's. He too was killed at Cedar Creek, when General Gordon made that Jacksonian move, surprising Sheridan's army, routing and driving them in great confusion toward Winchester. Early's troops, instead of following up their victory, fell out of ranks to plunder the yankee camp. Sheridan promptly reformed his troops and returned the same day and defeated Early, and caused him to lose all he had gained and more too. But if ever soldiers were excusable for such conduct Early's poor half famished men surely were. They had been marching and fighting from the first of May, at the Wilderness, at Cold Harbor, at Lynchburg, at Salem, West Va., and then to Washington and return. It is estimated that from June to September Early had marched his little army over four hundred miles.
Official Record
Hatchers Run - February 6, 1865
On February 5th Pegram’s division was deployed to support the picket line as a response to a Union advance at Hatcher’s Run near Petersburg. The next morning the regiment was deployed in two wings as skirmishers. The infantrymen dug half circles of dirt, big enough to protect three men. Just as this job was finished the Federals attacked. Captain Buck, who was in charge of the right wing, found his job difficult as a log house fifty yards behind his invited sulkers, so occasionally he had to go back a drive them forward, while at the same time attempting to hold the line. The Federals, however, finally worked their way around and to the rear of the 13th, which had to withdraw. The Regiment rallied and joined the rest of the Brigade. Later in the day the gray coats attacked and recovered some ground. The Federals then extended their trenches and on the night of the 7th the Confederates had to withdraw to their former position.
Although the action did not sound of much, the price the small regiment had to pay was high: 3 killed, 12 wounded; and 10 taken prisoners of which 2 later died.
Fort Steadman - March 25, 1865
The situation was desperate for the Confederate army. The only good news was that the regiment had been reunited with it’s former commander of the Regiment, James A. Walker, who had taken over Early’s division after Pegram’s death at Hatcher’s Run. The regiment was now located on the confederate left near Fort Stedman.
As a last desperate measure to dislodge the Union from the Petersburg line, General Robert E. Lee decided to attack on his left in the hope of severing the Union forces below Petersburg from their supply depot at City Point on the James River as well as to ease the situation on the Confederate right.
General Gordon, corps commander, prepared several divisions including Walker’s, to attack. A party of men with axes was designated to clear obstructions around Fort Stedman, from whence the Confederates hoped to penetrate the Union line.
Around 4 a.m. the signal shot sounded to begin the assault. The 13th and 49th Virginia led the division in the attack. The men had been ordered to be silent until reaching the Union line. The surprise was complete and Fort Stedman quickly fell to the gray coats. The Union response, however, was fast with reinforcements quickly assembling around the confederate break-through, while the confederate reserves was too few. Thus greatly outnumbered, the confederates soon found them in a precarious situation and withdrawal orders was given. It was 8 am and by now the open ground between the Fort and the Confederate lines was a treacherous route with deadly crossfire. Rather than facing this gauntlet some opted to surrender, while others with determination pulled back towards own lines. General Walker was among the last to return.
Another 17 casualties: 5 killed, 8 wounded and 4 prisoners, was registered on the Regimental Roster, which had showed that 120 men was present before the attack of Fort Stedman.
Appomattox - April 9, 1865
The regiment was among the last soldiers of General Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia, that saw action. On April 9th General Gordon tried to punch a hole in the encircling Union line. The 13th was positioned south of Appomattox Court House and suffered three casualties: 2 wounded and 1 taken prisoner. The breakthrough had failed and the Army of Northern Virginia had to surrender.
When arms were stacked at the formal surrender on April 12th, Captain Cullens regiment surrendered with 63 men.
Official Record